老澳门开奖结果

Some thought the longtime 老澳门开奖结果 chief got bamboozled. Or at least that the five-star general exploited him, using his guest鈥檚 reputation as 鈥淢r. 老澳门开奖结果鈥� to paper over the manner in which he, of the Allied powers occupying Japan after World War II, intended to remake the former Axis state.

Others simply believed it was not possible: How could friendly, even affectionate, relations exist between a longtime self-professed radical and the man still recalled for using tear gas and tanks against thousands of protesting World War I veterans, known as the , at the height of the Great Depression?

Yet somehow the curious partnership between 老澳门开奖结果 founder Roger Nash Baldwin and not only occurred but thrived. Perhaps it did because MacArthur pulled a fast one over on Baldwin, using the latter鈥檚 reputation as the nation鈥檚 leading civil libertarian to strengthen the American-led postwar occupation of its defeated foe. Japan didn鈥檛 undergo the total transformation many of its own citizens thought was warranted, but it also avoided a hard turn to the right or left that other nation-states, including some in Asia, underwent after WWII. Meanwhile, a foundation was laid for a new Japan, one that proved enormously productive and at least moderately democratic in the early postwar period.

Baldwin鈥檚 eagerness to work with MacArthur was in keeping with his decades-old determination to extend human rights to the international realm. During the 1920s, he became involved with , , and the International Congress Against Colonialism and Imperialism.

With the advent of the Cold War and a less hands-on approach to serving as the 老澳门开奖结果鈥檚 executive director, Baldwin turned his attention once again to global affairs. The United States, he noted, had promised self-government, which colonial peoples were demanding. However, he , 鈥渙ur treatment of racial minorities denies our moral claim to democratic leadership in the world.鈥� Baldwin pointed to as 鈥渢he supreme apostle of freedom in a far greater frame than nationalism鈥� and to India as 鈥渢he touch-stone to the future of most of the human race.鈥�

Baldwin鈥檚 willingness to assist Gen. MacArthur also continued a path he had undertaken over the several years prior. Although he had been supportive of alliances between left-of-center forces against fascist depredations, Baldwin had dramatically shifted course following the announcement of the during the summer of 1939. Like so many on the American left, including within the Communist Party of the United States, Baldwin was stunned by the news.

鈥淚 think it was the biggest shock of my life,鈥� he wrote. 鈥淚 never was so shaken up by anything as I was by that pact 鈥� by the fact that those two powers had got together at the expense of the democracies.鈥�

To the delight of his old friend and anarchist , Baldwin no longer considered the communists trustworthy. 鈥淭he Nazi-Soviet pact made you feel that suddenly the Communists were different people.鈥�

Shortly, Baldwin began supporting a in the 老澳门开奖结果鈥檚 leadership, backing the removal of those who continued viewing the Soviet Union favorably. Even the wartime partnership between the U.S., Great Britain, and the Soviet Union didn鈥檛 change Baldwin鈥檚 new perspective. Thus, as the Cold War emerged out of the ashes of World War II, Baldwin鈥檚 anti-communist stance made him receptive to MacArthur鈥檚 entreaties, as did his willingness to establish amicable relationships with government officials, even those like FBI Director , who viewed him with grave . It was hardly surprising, then, that Baldwin, at one point a fervent antimilitarist, proved eager to deal with MacArthur.

In early January 1947, a letter from the War Department鈥檚 Special Staff arrived at the 老澳门开奖结果鈥檚 national office in Manhattan, indicating that Gen. MacArthur鈥檚 headquarters sought out Baldwin鈥檚 services as a civil liberties consultant in both Japan and the U.S.-zone of occupation in Korea鈥檚 southern half. This undoubtedly delighted Baldwin, who had often urged his 老澳门开奖结果 compatriots to extend the organization鈥檚 operations overseas, but generally to little avail. Until recently viewed by the FBI as an internal security threat, Baldwin feared that the , emboldened by the new domestic Cold War atmosphere, might contest his appointment.

Read the War Department's letter inviting Roger Baldwin to Japan and Korea

While falsely claiming he had 鈥渁lways been anti-Communist,鈥� Baldwin expressed no wish to embarrass either the 老澳门开奖结果 or the War Department. He actually with , HUAC鈥檚 new chair, who expressed no opposition to Baldwin鈥檚 proposed sojourn as a private citizen. Since the early 1930s, Baldwin鈥檚 relationship with government figures, which he continued to cultivate, had become more amicable. , 老澳门开奖结果 board chair, lauded the possibility of Baldwin鈥檚 mission to Asia, judging it 鈥渁 kind of crown of recognition and reward for his many years of self-forgetting service of a basic interest of democracy and peace.鈥�

Baldwin quickly learned that MacArthur had agreed to his 鈥� he would operate as 鈥渁 private citizen going at General MacArthur鈥檚 personal invitation at his own expense.鈥� Already serving as a consultant to the United Nations on civil rights for the , Baldwin obtained 鈥渁 too flattering鈥� note of introduction from , assistant U.N. secretary general. Baldwin also boasted credentials as a representative of the .

Ironically, for one who had long been reviled for his radical perspectives, Baldwin now garnered kudos from conservative publications, seemingly thrilled about his impending visit. By contrast, the pro-communist assailed him, particularly for his purported closeness to the reactionary HUAC chair Thomas. , a social democrat publication, defended Baldwin and charged that the 老澳门开奖结果 was 鈥渢he target of Stalinist vilification.鈥�

Read Roger Baldwin's memo to the 老澳门开奖结果 Board about the "New Masses" article

On April 12, Baldwin arrived in Tokyo, greeted by a military chauffeur and private limousine, which took him to the Imperial, the city鈥檚 top hotel. The driver and vehicle, at Baldwin鈥檚 disposal for the duration of his stay in Japan, sported a sign on the window, 鈥淰IP.鈥� At the U.S. Army headquarters, Baldwin was given an office, secretary, and interpreter. He declined use of a military aide. The next day, Baldwin lunched at the American Embassy, encountering Douglas and Jean MacArthur, the general鈥檚 wife. MacArthur immediately exclaimed, 鈥淢r. Baldwin, we have been waiting for you for a long time. I am delighted you have come at last.鈥� They entered the dining room with MacArthur鈥檚 arm draped around Baldwin鈥檚 shoulder.

MacArthur expressed his need for assistance in nourishing civil liberties in occupied territories. Indicating that he expected his staff to fully cooperate with Baldwin, MacArthur also urged his guest, 鈥淚 want you to see everybody, go everywhere; every door is open to you. I want you to tell me what you think is wrong about the Occupation policies in regard to the democratic purposes that we鈥檙e trying to instill in the Japanese people.鈥�

Baldwin was delighted. A letter from Baldwin dated May 1 and addressed to 鈥淔riends鈥� back in the United States referred to MacArthur as 鈥渁 charming, wise, witty, most unmilitary man with a strong sense of mission, a genuine democrat who sees his role in large historic outlines and with great confidence in the Japanese.鈥�

Read Roger Baldwin's memo from Japan about MacArthur

During his stay, Baldwin held interviews and participated in meetings between Americans and Japanese, involving military men, communists, members of Japan鈥檚 royalty, and common citizens. As Baldwin saw matters, they were all, in some manner, participating in 鈥渢his amazing experiment in transplanting democracy.鈥� He helped to set up three associations connected to , the U.N., and Japanese Americans, respectively.

Baldwin showed up at war crimes trials, the Allied Council, and political gatherings in cities and the countryside. He also dined with Americans staying in fine Japanese homes requisitioned by U.S. forces as well as with Japanese in their own homes. Baldwin also spent time with Emperor Hirohito. Arriving with presents for Hirohito鈥檚 children 鈥� candy, pencils, and pens 鈥� Baldwin was ushered into the administration building鈥檚 grand reception room. A smiling Hirohito approached, shook his guest鈥檚 hands, and stated, 鈥淢ister Baldwin.鈥� Conversing for less than an hour, they talked about the treatment afforded Japanese citizens in the United States and interactions involving Japanese groups and U.N. agencies.

When Baldwin prepared to leave, Hirohito grasped his hands and expressed appreciation for the gifts, which Japanese newspapers duly noted. A press release underscored Baldwin鈥檚 belief that Hirohito seemed highly receptive to liberal and democratic values. The next day, Baldwin got a phone call from the Japanese Foreign Office asking if he could have tea that afternoon with Prince Takamatsu, Hirohito鈥檚 younger brother.

Writing to MacArthur on May 6, Baldwin applauded the joint American-Japanese effort. The people of Japan seemed capable of grasping democratic institutions, he wrote. And the U.S. military, for its part, appeared prepared to foster Japan鈥檚 democratization. Baldwin told MacArthur, 鈥淵ou gave an amazingly effective staff imbued with your own ideals and practical statesmanship.鈥�

Nevertheless, Baldwin offered several suggestions to inculcate civil liberties in Japan, including ending censorship, restoring international mail service to also kindle 鈥渄emocratic contacts,鈥� affiliating a Japanese group with the U.N., encouraging attendance at international conferences by 鈥渟uitable Japanese representatives,鈥� and resuming American funding for educational institutions.

Read the May 1947 letter to MacArthur from Roger Baldwin

Within four days, Baldwin drafted a confidential letter for 老澳门开奖结果 leaders, in which he again sang MacArthur鈥檚 praises. 鈥淗is observation on civil liberties and democracy,鈥� Baldwin insisted, 鈥渞ank with the best I ever heard from any civilian 鈥� and they were incredible from a general.鈥� Still, 鈥渁 terrific job鈥� loomed ahead, with the American military needing to allow the Japanese to take control of government operations. Even there, Baldwin believed 鈥淕eneral MacArthur鈥檚 judgment on that is obviously to be trusted.鈥�

Read Baldwin's "Balance Sheet of the Occupation of Japan"

While in Japan, Baldwin accepted an invitation to visit South Korea , the American military governor in that country. He agreed to a short stay in South Korea, where he met , whom he called 鈥渁n agent of reaction鈥� but 鈥渟uch a charming old gentleman, so kindly and urbane.鈥�

His time in Japan and South Korea, Baldwin later declared, had 鈥渂een the two most stirring months of my life.鈥� He expressed regret for his inability to completely capture what was transpiring in Japan, 鈥渙ne of the great dramas of history.鈥� Readying to depart on June 8, Baldwin wrote in his farewell note to MacArthur, 鈥淚 leave with consciousness of the amazing experiment in democracy here made possible and so promising chiefly by your spirit and vision. No possible criticism of detail can detract from what is a great historical achievement already assured.鈥�

In his extended report to the 老澳门开奖结果, Baldwin referred, undoubtedly hyperbolically, to his recent time in Asia as 鈥渢he most useful period of time I have ever spent toward the Union鈥檚 objectives.鈥� A few weeks following his return from overseas, Baldwin wrote a document, 鈥�Shogun and Emperor.鈥� To his amazement, his wholly positive evaluation of Douglas MacArthur was greeted with skepticism by many fellow 老澳门开奖结果 board members. MacArthur possessed all but unlimited authority to usher in the U.S. program 鈥渙f disarming, demilitarizing, and democratizing Japan,鈥� and Baldwin concluded that the general appeared to be 鈥渆ngaged in a crusade . . . a crusade for democracy.鈥�

In late 1949, the 老澳门开奖结果 that Baldwin was stepping down as executive director but would continue working for the organization, focusing on 鈥渋nternational standards of civil liberties.鈥� Among the tributes he received was a handwritten note from the General Headquarters of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in Tokyo. General MacArthur鈥檚 stated, 鈥淏aldwin鈥檚 crusade for civil liberties has had a profound and beneficial influence upon the course of American progress.鈥�

Suffice it to say, MacArthur knew his man, well appreciating how receptive Baldwin was to flattery from establishment figures. Over the years, for instance, America鈥檚 most celebrated champion of civil liberties had repeatedly been taken in by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, who despised and distrusted him. Now, during the early Cold War period, MacArthur appeared to have bowled over a man who had long been one of the nation鈥檚 leading antimilitarists.

With the outbreak of the Korean War, during which MacArthur and President Truman clashed, resulting in MacArthur鈥檚 , Baldwin鈥檚 analysis of occupation policies in Japan shifted course, for a time, at least. In a letter dated May 15, 1952, to Dick Deverall, who had served in Japan on the military government鈥檚 staff alongside MacArthur, Baldwin said, 鈥淭hings shifted pretty badly as you know, after you and I quit and the General shifted his policies out of fear of the Communists.鈥� The Japanese , devised in 1947, provided for free expression. Nevertheless, legal changes soon allowed for restrictions on public employees and demonstrations. Local safety ordinances also curbed freedom of assembly.

Baldwin鈥檚 lengthy battle to defend civil liberties in the United States was determined and often heroic. At times, he hoped to extend that quest beyond American shores. Thus, he jumped at the chance to assist in the reconstruction effort in Japan. Baldwin鈥檚 time there was short but memorable, leading him to believe that his near life-long quest to safeguard civil liberties could indeed be carried to the international stage. Baldwin thought he could make a difference overseas as he had at home. Perhaps, in some small way, he did in postwar Japan.

January 1947 老澳门开奖结果 Board meeting minutes
March 1947 Letter from the 老澳门开奖结果 Board Chairman to MacArthur
June 1947 Roger Baldwin's "Memorandum on Korea"
Roger Baldwin's "Balance Sheet of the Occupation of Korea" Letter
June 1947 老澳门开奖结果 Board meeting minutes

Robert C. Cottrell is the author of 鈥淩oger Nash Baldwin and the 老澳门开奖结果鈥� (Columbia University Press, 2000) and 鈥淩oger Baldwin鈥� (Harvard Square Library).