Stephen Colbert stirred controversy last Monday when he President Donald Trump in his 鈥淟ate Show鈥 opening monologue. Parodying President Trump鈥檚 penchant for lame puns and bad one-liners 鈥 Trump recently referred to CBS鈥檚 鈥淔ace the Nation鈥 as 鈥淒eface the Nation鈥 鈥 Colbert piled the burns on hot and fast:
鈥淵ou鈥檙e the 鈥榩resi-dunce,鈥欌嬧嬧嬧嬧嬧 but you鈥檙e turning into a real 鈥榩rick-tator.鈥 Sir, you attract more skinheads than free Rogaine. You have more people marching against you than cancer. You talk like a sign-language gorilla that got hit in the head. In fact, the only thing your mouth is good for is being Vladimir Putin鈥檚 cock holster.鈥
On Twitter, the hashtag #FireColbert started worldwide. A couple of days later, Federal Communications Commission Chairman Ajit Pai that the agency was reviewing the incident after receiving numerous complaints from concerned viewers. He also indicated that fines could be levied against CBS for any violation of federal broadcast regulations.
The FCC will almost certainly stand down.
The agency鈥檚 standard operating procedures require it to a review whenever it receives a complaint. And Colbert鈥檚 choice of phrase, offensive though it was, isn鈥檛 enough to merit punishment by the FCC. (If it were, many of the shows on cable and late-night television would be sanctionable.) To the contrary, federal law makes clear that network broadcasters cannot be punished for airing offensive, profane, or otherwise 鈥渋ndecent鈥 content between the hours of 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. unless that content is also legally 鈥渙bscene.鈥
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In 1973, the Supreme Court a three-part test for determining whether material qualifies as obscene. First, the material must appeal to the 鈥減rurient interest鈥 (meaning it has to have the tendency to excite lustful thoughts). Second, the material must depict or describe, in a patently offensive way, sexual conduct specifically identified by the regulating authority. Finally, taken as a whole, the material must lack serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value.
This is a stringent test, and rightly so. It鈥檚 meant to cover only certain forms of hardcore pornography while extending First Amendment protection to the sort of profanity you might find in James Joyce鈥檚 鈥淯lysses.鈥 (No, seriously, it鈥檚 filthy.) Whatever you think about the propriety of Colbert鈥檚 language, it鈥檚 not obscene.
The strong First Amendment protections enjoyed by Stephen Colbert do not apply across the board, however. A very different standard allows the FCC to punish broadcasters for airing 鈥渋ndecent鈥 material between the hours of 6 a.m. and 10 p.m. That standard came out of a famous case, FCC v. Pacifica Foundation, decided nearly four decades ago, in which the Supreme Court ruled that the FCC could prohibit the airing of George Carlin鈥檚 famous monologue, 鈥.鈥 In light of the uniquely government-reliant and pervasive nature of broadcast media, the Supreme Court decided that the government has the authority to regulate broadcast television and radio to protect children and unwitting adults from indecent content at times they鈥檙e likely to be exposed to it 鈥 even if the content is not 鈥渙bscene.鈥
Although the Supreme Court took pains to emphasize the 鈥渘arrowness鈥 of its decision, the FCC has repeatedly expanded the scope of its indecency regulations by adopting ever more vague and subjective standards. In 2005, the agency took the position that broadcasters could be punished for allowing even 鈥渇leeting indecency,鈥 meaning non-scripted visual or verbal indecency during a live broadcast. (Take, for example, Janet Jackson鈥檚 famous during the 2004 Super Bowl halftime show. The FCC fined CBS for the infraction, although its decision was ultimately on procedural grounds.)
The FCC鈥檚 enforcement of its indecency regulations can most charitably be described as arbitrary. The agency fined PBS for broadcasting a Ken Burns鈥 documentary because it includes swears uttered by Black musicians. On the other hand, the FCC that the uninhibited use of profanity in 鈥淪aving Private Ryan鈥 was acceptable because removing the expletives would 鈥渁lter . . . the nature of the artistic work and diminish . . . the power, realism and immediacy of the film experience for viewers.鈥
That arbitrariness has led to self-censorship: Broadcasters have squelched important artistic and political speech in order to avoid government sanction. In just one example, PBS provided broadcasters with a version of the civil rights documentary 鈥淓yes on the Prize鈥 that edited James Forman鈥檚 call for a more aggressive approach to the civil rights movement: 鈥淚f we can鈥檛 sit at the table, let鈥檚 knock the fucking legs off.鈥
It鈥檚 time to reconsider how we regulate broadcast media. Since the Supreme Court鈥檚 ruling in Pacifica, cable television, satellite radio, and the internet have allowed many people unfettered access to the whole scope of human creativity, including 鈥渋ndecent鈥 content that would undoubtedly be regulated by the FCC if it were aired on broadcast television or radio. By the standards of modern media and political discourse, the Supreme Court鈥檚 concern over George Carlin鈥檚 seven dirty words seems downright quaint. We have a president who brags about grabbing women 鈥渂y the pussy.鈥 Meanwhile, the government claims the power to regulate whether people can discuss it on network television.
Millions of Americans, especially poor people and people of color, rely on broadcast television and radio as their primary sources for news and entertainment. Their First Amendment rights 鈥 in particular, the right to receive information free from government censorship 鈥 are being restricted by an outdated and arbitrary regulatory regime that accomplishes nothing except the sterilization of public discourse that takes place over broadcast media. Stephen Colbert is probably off the hook this time, but the FCC has no business policing what people say on television.